Welcome to Complaints in Wonderland

2015-08-01 Ealing Jazz Fest 7944

Welcome to Complaints in Wonderland. Over the years I have been writing letters of complaint to companies and non-commercial organisations.  Some people take themselves so seriously that the only antidote is humour.  In the interests of fairness, I have published letters of complaint that have been dealt with in a positive and exemplary manner. The postings are in no particular chronological order but I kick off with NatWest in 2000. So just keep scrolling down for many and various posts. I have redacted names where appropriate as invariably it is a case of  “donkeys” in the boardrooms leading the “lions” on the shop floor.

I also use this site to comment on various matters aired in the press as well as economics, politics, idiocy in general, and the funding of jazz in the UK.

Regrettably, I will not be able to answer postings or comments and if I do it will have to be brief. However any abusive remarks containing strong language will not be answered, the correspondent will just have to satisfy themselves with the fact that if I did respond it would be along the lines that their comments, “are the nicest thing that anyone has ever said about me”.

If you have enjoyed reading these articles and letters, I would be grateful if you could donate to the National Jazz Archive. Just click on the website button and give whatever you can. This site is paid for by me.

Chris Hodgkins

The BBC and Andrew Marr on jazz

Andrew Marr on his Sunday morning television show on the 13th March 2011 gave a wholly convincing performance that demonstrated that his knowledge of jazz is restricted to cheap laughs. The link below is to the Guardian where it was reported.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/mediamonkeyblog/2012/jan/31/andrew-marr-clarkson

I wrote to the Mark Thompson Director General and took it through every stage of the complaints process. The whole exercise was a prima facie case for an independent BBC Complaints Ombudsman. There is an even stronger case to have the remuneration of  people like Marr scrutinised as there seems to be a  gravy train that rolls down the tracks regardless of the fact that the TV License payer has to fork out for their vastly  inflated pay. The role of the BBC Complaints Ombudsman has now expanded to the BBC Complaints and Pay Review Ombudsman.

“It was clear from the Programme that Marr does not like jazz and was allowed by the producers to vent his prejudices on a programme that was watched by a great number of people who not only like jazz; who expect from the BBC something better than Marr’s ill informed views and sloppy journalism……………..” To read more

Please click on “The BBC and Andrew Marr on jazz” to access the correspondence

 

Donate to the National Jazz Archive

The National Jazz Archive holds the UK’s finest collection of written, printed and visual material on jazz, blues and related music, from the 1920s to the present day. Founded in 1988 by trumpeter Digby Fairweather, the Archive’s vision is to ensure that the rich tangible cultural heritage of jazz is safeguarded for future generations of enthusiasts, professionals and researchers.

In 2011 the Archive received a grant from the Heritage Lottery Fund to conserve and catalogue the collection. As a result many photographs, journals, documents and learning resources are being made available on this site.

The National Jazz Archive is  a registered charity, number 327894 and is managed by a group of expert trustees with backgrounds in heritage, archives, jazz, law and education.

The Archive exists to help researchers, students, the media and the general Enthusiast – and is based at Loughton in Essex, just inside the M25.

Please donate to the National Jazz Archive here: National Jazz Archive

Made in England — Celebration, Self‑Mythology, and the Limits of Commemoration

Made in England — Celebration, Self‑Mythology, and the Limits of Commemoration

To mark 80 years of public investment in culture and creativity, the Arts Council has published Made in England: Art and Culture in Changing Times – a collection of essays, insights and creative contributions from artists, cultural leaders and critics. The book explores the role art and culture play in England today, and looks ahead to how creativity might shape the next 80 years.

1 Introduction

Made in England: Art and Culture in Changing Times is presented as a celebration of 80 years of public investment in creativity — a polished anniversary volume designed to showcase the Arts Council’s achievements, its values, and its national reach. Yet beneath its confident rhetoric and carefully curated success stories lies a deeper truth: the book functions less as a reflection on England’s cultural reality and more as a piece of institutional self‑mythology. It reinforces a narrative of continuity at precisely the moment when continuity is the problem.

This critique places Made in England — and Darren Henley’s chapter, Excellence. For Everybody. Everywhere. — in their proper context. It examines how the book selectively frames history, omits structural inequities, and avoids the systemic failures documented by the Hodge Review, the National Audit Office, the PLACE data and decades of evidence on artform imbalance. It shows how Henley’s contribution, while rhetorically fluent, mirrors the same patterns: anecdotal geography, universalist aspiration, and a refusal to confront the hierarchy of culture embedded in Arts Council England’s decisions since 1946.

Taken together, the book and Henley’s essay reveal the limits of ACE’s worldview — its reliance on narrative over analysis, its avoidance of structural reform, and its inability to articulate a strategy capable of delivering cultural democracy. This introduction therefore sets the stage for a deeper examination of why a New Deal for the Arts and Music is not simply desirable but necessary: because England needs an architecture for the next 80 years, not another celebration of the last.

2 The Arts Council’s Made in England: Art and Culture in Changing Times

The Arts Council’s Made in England: Art and Culture in Changing Times presents itself as a celebration of “80 years of public investment in creativity,” a curated anthology of essays, reflections and case studies designed to showcase the transformative power of public funding. It is beautifully produced, emotionally resonant, and politically purposeful. But as a cultural artefact, it reveals far more about Arts Council England’s self‑image than about the real conditions of cultural life in England. The book is not simply commemorative; it is a strategic narrative crafted at a moment when ACE’s legitimacy is under unprecedented scrutiny.

Sir Nicholas Serota’s introduction sets the tone. He frames the Arts Council’s founding as a heroic act of postwar civic imagination, rooted in Keynes’s wartime vision of carrying “music, drama and pictures to places which otherwise would be cut off from all contact with masterpieces of happier days.” This is a powerful origin story — but it is also selective. Serota emphasises the arm’s‑length principle, artistic freedom, and the twin commitments to “excellence” and “access,” yet he does not acknowledge the structural realities that have shaped ACE’s decisions for eight decades: the hierarchy of culture embedded since 1946, the dominance of opera and classical institutions, the erosion of Lottery additionality, the collapse of local authority funding, and the long‑term marginalisation of jazz, popular, world, folk, brass bands, grassroots and multi‑genre musics.

The book’s narrative is celebratory rather than analytical. It foregrounds individual success stories — David Harewood’s journey from Birmingham to RADA, Carlos Acosta’s path from Havana to the Royal Ballet, Lubaina Himid’s reflections on the Arts Council Collection — each demonstrating the personal impact of public funding. These stories matter deeply. They show how access, training and early investment can transform lives. But they are curated to reinforce ACE’s preferred story: that public funding works, that ACE is a benevolent steward of talent, and that the system is fundamentally sound.

What is missing is the structural context. Harewood’s account of receiving an Arts Council grant to attend drama school is moving, but it sits alongside a contemporary reality in which youth pipelines are collapsing, specialist training is underfunded, and access routes for working‑class and minority artists have narrowed. Acosta speaks of ballet’s salvation, but the book does not acknowledge the systemic fragility of grassroots dance, community studios, or regional touring. The essays celebrate the idea of public investment while avoiding the evidence of how ACE has distributed it.

Serota’s forward‑looking section repeats familiar themes: long‑term planning, sustained investment, talent development, creativity across the curriculum. These are correct — but they are the same arguments made by Jennie Lee in 1965, Ken Robinson in 1999, and Margaret Hodge in 2025. The book does not confront why these goals have not been delivered. It does not acknowledge ACE’s strategic failures, the absence of artform policy, or the systemic inequities documented by the  PLACE Report, National Audit Office,  Public Accounts Committee and the Hodge Review.

The book’s rhetorical commitment to “excellence, everywhere, for everyone” mirrors ACE’s Strategic Framework 2026, which confuses goals with objectives and avoids trade‑offs. It celebrates aspiration without providing mechanisms. It praises public investment without addressing its uneven distribution. It highlights cultural value without confronting structural inequality. It is a narrative of continuity at a moment when continuity is precisely the problem.

In this sense, Made in England is not a reckoning; it is reassurance. It is a commemorative publication designed to stabilise ACE’s legitimacy, foreground emotional testimony, and frame public investment as an unbroken success story. It is a book about what ACE wants to be seen as, not about what ACE is. It is a book about the past ACE celebrates, not about the future England needs.

And this is precisely why the New Deal for the Arts and Grassroots Music is necessary. The book’s omissions — structural inequity, art form imbalance, regional disparity, the collapse of local infrastructure, the fragility of grassroots venues, the absence of art form policy — reinforce the central argument of my forthcoming  report: that England requires a new architecture capable of delivering cultural democracy, not another iteration of institutional self‑mythology.

Made in England celebrates 80 years of public investment. The New Deal asks what the next 80 years must deliver — and builds the structure to make it possible.

3 “Excellence. For Everybody. Everywhere.” Darren Henley’s contribution to Made in England.

Darren Heleys chapter  “Excellence. For Everybody. Everywhere.” in Made in England needs to be placed in context. In Let’s Create the Arts Council came up with the the investment principle “Ambition and Quality” (Let’s Create page 47). It is as if the Arts Councils previous strategy, “Great Art and Culture for Everyone”, 2010-2020 had not existed. Goal 1 was “Talent and artistic excellence are thriving and celebrated”. One would have thought that in 10 years the Arts Council would have formulated the notion of what determines artistic excellence and by implication quality and ensured that its funded organisations were turning out work of the highest quality. This appears not to be the case as Let’s Create states:

“Judgements about quality are inevitable complex and open to debate. We will therefore continue to work with the cultural sector to establish a shared language around it, which we will draw on as we consider and explain our investment decisions. But in the end it will be the Arts Councils responsibility to use our experience and expertise to make the judgements that determine these decisions”.(Let’s Create p 47)

The authors report on Let’s Create can be read here

After 10 years of “Great Art and Culture for Everyone the Arts Council has yet to nail the question of what constitutes high quality or quality period, and Arts Council England is going to spend another 10 years working with the cultural sector to establish a shared language that will define quality. The reality is that you end up with a “bunch of bureaucrats sitting in a room on their own” and developing a “shared language” that will end up as a lingua franca of the cultural establishment with little or no resonance with audiences, artists or arts consumers

With that in mind onto Darren Heley’s chapter “Excellence. For Everybody. Everywhere.” Darren Henley’s contribution to Made in England is a polished, confident and rhetorically generous defence of Arts Council England’s mission. It is written with fluency and conviction, and it presents ACE as a benevolent steward of national creativity — an organisation that champions excellence, nurtures talent, and brings culture to “everybody, everywhere.” But beneath the warmth of the prose lies a familiar pattern: a narrative of aspiration that avoids structural truth, a celebration of ACE’s successes that omits its failures, and a vision of cultural democracy that is not matched by the organisation’s own behaviour.

Henley begins by asserting that public investment “pays big dividends,” and that excellence is the foundation of popular, resonant art. This is unobjectionable — but it is also strategically convenient. By framing excellence as universal and self‑evident, Henley sidesteps the central question my forthcoming report raises: who defines excellence, who benefits from it, and which art forms ACE consistently treats as excellent? His essay never acknowledges the hierarchy of culture embedded in ACE’s decisions since 1946, nor the structural bias that has privileged opera and classical institutions over jazz, popular, world, folk, grassroots and multi‑genre musics.

The essay’s most striking feature is its selective geography. Henley offers a tour of England’s cultural landscape — Chester, Prescot, Plymouth, Nottingham, Bristol, Burnley, Barnsley, Leeds, Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham — and presents these visits as evidence of ACE’s reach and equity. But this is anecdotal geography, not structural geography. It does not confront the PLACE Report data, the National Audit Office  findings, or the Hodge Review’s evidence of regional inequity. It does not acknowledge the collapse of local authority funding, the fragility of grassroots venues, or the absence of artform‑specific policy. It is a narrative of travel, not a narrative of distribution.

Henley’s extended celebration of opera is particularly revealing. He describes productions by Opera North, English National Opera, OperaUpClose, Pegasus Opera Company and Birmingham Opera Company with enthusiasm and detail. This is genuine passion — but it also mirrors ACE’s structural behaviour. The author’s  FOI evidence shows that ACE acted decisively and strategically to create the UK Opera Association, convening NPOs, commissioning analysis and awarding a direct grant. Henley’s essay reinforces opera’s centrality while claiming that ACE “has no time for the argument that one art form is intrinsically more valuable than another.” The rhetoric denies hierarchy; the examples confirm it.

Henley’s argument that ACE is an “And… And” organisation — supporting opera and grassroots venues, major institutions and community projects — is rhetorically elegant but strategically hollow.

The Hodge Review shows that ACE’s processes are “inappropriately long, complicated, bureaucratic — and expensive,” that excellence has been “sidelined,” and that ACE has failed to defend the arm’s‑length principle. Henley’s essay does not acknowledge these failures. Instead, it presents ACE as a perfectly balanced steward of all artforms, all geographies and all communities. This is not analysis; it is aspiration.

The essay’s discussion of diversity and inclusion is heartfelt, but again selective. Henley writes that “talent is everywhere, but opportunity is not,” and emphasises the need to break down barriers. Yet he does not address the structural drivers of inequality identified in the Deaton Review, nor the collapse of youth pipelines, nor the fragility of music education, nor the absence of artform policy that would enable equitable investment. Diversity is framed as an opportunity, not as a structural obligation.

Henley’s reflections on education are similarly aspirational. He argues for creativity across the curriculum and celebrates programmes such as Firstsite’s Holiday Fun, the RSC’s schools work, and the National Literacy Trust’s Connecting Stories. These are valuable initiatives — but they do not address the systemic failures documented in the 2025 Curriculum Review, nor the widening gap between what schools are expected to deliver and what ACE funds. Henley’s essay celebrates examples; it avoids systems.

The essay’s closing argument — that ACE must invest in “brilliant artists… across all art forms, at all scales, for all audiences in all places” — is rhetorically powerful but strategically impossible within ACE’s current architecture. It is precisely the kind of universalist framing that my forthcoming  report – a New Deal for Arts and Music – shows ACE cannot deliver cultural democracy. Without artform policy, without structural reform, without additionality, without regional equity, without a grassroots‑first funding body, ACE cannot do what Henley claims it is doing.

In this sense, Henley’s essay is not simply a contribution to an anniversary book. It is a defence of ACE’s institutional identity at a moment when that identity is under challenge. It is a narrative of continuity, not a recognition of the need for change. It is a celebration of ACE’s intentions, not an examination of its outcomes. It is a story of what ACE wants to be seen as, not of what ACE is.

And this is precisely why my forthcoming paper the New Deal for the Arts and Music is necessary. Henley’s essay demonstrates the limits of ACE’s worldview: its reliance on anecdote, its avoidance of structural analysis, its rhetorical universalism, its selective geography, its implicit hierarchy, and its inability to confront the systemic failures documented across in my forthcoming report. The New Deal provides what Henley’s essay cannot: structural clarity, artform equity, measurable objectives, economic realism, and a funding architecture capable of delivering cultural democracy.

Henley’s essay celebrates 80 years of public investment. My New Deal for Arts and Music asks what the next 80 years must deliver — and builds the structure to make it possible.

Chris Hodgkins

10th July 2026

Expansion of AI and one fifth of young shun democracy

A couple of articles in the Guardian dealing with the governments rush to embrace AI and a recent poll found that in in five gen z and millenial and 14% of UK citizens  agreed with the statement: “The best system for runing a country effectively is a strong leader who doesnt have to bother with elections”.

See https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/jan/12/mainlined-into-uks-veins-labour-announces-huge-public-rollout-of-ai and https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/jan/12/one-in-five-britons-aged-18-45-prefer-unelected-leaders-to-democracy-poll-finds

The government’s plans for the headlong expansion of AI remind me of the optimist who leaps off the top of the Shard and as they pass the second floor think, “alright so far”. I don’t see any concrete evidence of “what if” analysis. The government is behaving like the Gadarene swine bolstered with battalions of lemmings.

I suppose AI will have a use in the future when the 14% of the general population plus 20% of gen Z and millennials, who like strong leaders without elections, will soon have their wildest dreams realised; an AI Big Brother replete with a toothbrush moustached atavar.

Submission to Ravinder Athwal – Director of Policy – Labour Party

Ravinder Athwal – Director of Policy – Labour Party asked for submissions to the Labour Parties policy formulation by the 8th February 2024

My submission contains an introduction and summary and deals with:

  • The lack of art form policies, planning and impact analysis
  • Arts Council England growth of National Portfolio Organisations and lottery funding
  • Music streaming
  • The Trade and Cooperation Agreement – How to help musicians work in the EU after BREXIT
  • Promoting – keeping music live

Please see: Briefing Paper for Labour Party Policy 2024 Chris Hodgkins

Soaring MDF prices, extortionate interval drinks, cash-strapped audiences: the arts are staring inflation in the face

Charlotte Higgins paints a realistic picture of the appalling plight of small music venues –  “Soaring MDF prices, extortionate interval drinks, cash-strapped audiences: the arts are staring inflation in the face”, The Guardian,  19th August 2022 – however the bad news is it is actually worse than this. If you factor in the volunteer promoters for jazz, folk, indie, urban, etc then the picture is grim to the point of catastrophic for live music in the UK. The Department for Digital Culture Media and Sport is in denial and not only clueless about the plight of small venues but does not care.  Arts Council England has “Let’s Create” (please see my response here)  which is a strategy laudable in its intentions but regrettably does not address the problem,  which is a  lack of art form policy with action programmes. The Arts Council is bound by the rationality of the past and continues to be held in thrall to the major arts companies, who like the banks, are deemed too big to fail.

Brexit stage left: British band tells of farcical barriers encountered on EU tour

Lisa O’Carrol’s article –  “Brexit stage left: British band tells of farcical barriers encountered on EU tour”, The Guardian, 10th August 2022- shows the Government’s incompetence and ineptitude with regard to Brexit, the music industry, and sound planning. Instead of asking “where are we now? Where do we want to be? How are we going to get there and what resources do we need? They developed a negotiating position that was more concerned with restricting the movement of musicians and road crew than securing the future of a 5 billion pound industry and the finest exponent of soft power the UK has at its disposal. Instead, the music industry has been saddled with red tape and pettifogging restrictions. The Government refused to listen to the expertise of the music industry and blundered on to their supposed ” sunny uplands of a global Britain” which is quickly transforming the UK into Air Strip 1 in George Orwell’s 1984. The Government needs a realistic action programme that assists and encourages the uk music industry to export – and it needs it now.

Jacob Rees-Mogg MP and Brexit red tape

I read a report in the Sun newspaper that Jacob Rees-Mogg was asking for people to write to him about petty EU regulations that should be abolished. Whether my recent experiences of red tape emanate from the  EU or as a result of BREXIT I am not sure but they are in any event prima facie examples of pettifogging red tape I can do without.

In November 2021 I tried to advertise on Spotify for my Salute to Humphrey Lyttelton Tour. I had worked out a price, researched my target market on Spotify came to post the advert and I was informed that I would need a valid VAT number to submit an advert due to tax regulations in my particular market. As a musician and sole trader, I fall under the VAT threshold. The regulation discriminates against sole traders not registered for VAT. I attach my response to Spotify.

My second example is the Arts Council has had to introduce a section to their grant application that is nonsensical. In fairness to the Arts Council, this is to do with Brexit legislation that they have to impose on applicants for the Government. This particular rule has only just come in and is another burden on people grappling with an application form. The amount of time having to spend reading EU State Aid rules is time-wasting. These rules did not appear in my previous applications before the advent of BREXIT so why are they appearing now? I end up wading through a sea of red tape as a musician and sole trader.

I received a reply from the Cabinet Office that was not exactly helpful:

“Thank you for your email outlining your ideas for opportunities that could be realised as a result of Brexit. Please accept my apologies for the delay in responding to you. Many thanks for taking the time to write in and share your suggestions. Your contribution has been noted. Thank you again for taking the time to write.”

My response was as follows:

Many thanks for your reply. Forgive me if I correct a couple of misunderstandings.

I did not outline opportunities I gave two examples of problems arising as a result of Brexit that will have a deleterious impact on a musician as a sole trader.

If I had a guinea for every time someone responded to me with the words that my contributions have been noted, I would be “rich beyond the dreams of avarice”. I am sure you understand that I would prefer to note what the Government is going to do about these two matters. I would appreciate therefore a concrete memo of what the Government is proposing to do to address these problems.

Thank you for your time

The full correspondence can be read here: BREXIT Red Tape – Sun 9th February 2022

Oliver Dowden – lay down smoke and show a clean pair of heels

There was an article in the Guardian on the 12th June 2021,  “Oliver Dowden – The paymaster who is calling the tune in the culture wars”. The article highlighted what a wonderful smokescreen culture wars are for the inadequacy of the Secretary of State for Culture and the DCMS. They serve to reinforce the findings of the Impact of Covid-19 on DCMS Sectors: First Report by the select committee for Digital Culture Media and Sport. MPs said the response of the Department of Digital, Culture, Media and Sport has been hampered by the Department’s fundamental misunderstanding across Government of the needs, structures and vital social contribution of sectors such as the creative industries.

In the recent crisis, countless jazz promoters and musicians encountered problems of funding and access to funds as they fell between the cracks. BREXIT for touring musicians is a catastrophe of Olympian proportions; musicians are being ripped off by streaming companies and need a fair deal, This situation is exacerbated by ten years of funding cuts which have dramatically affected the arts and now the Government is planning to impose a disastrous 50% funding cut to arts subjects including music at Higher Education level in England.

In 2019 arts and culture contributed £10.47 billion to the UK economy of which the UK music industry contributed £5.8 billion – all this is in danger of being trashed.

It is crucially important that with a new post-Covid and Brexit landscape a national arts plan is developed that ensures that the arts and culture play a part in healing the nation and drives the export of arts and culture. To make this happen the arts requires a reformation in arts funding with an organisation that can deliver a rolling, realistic and coherent national plan for the arts, entertainment and culture where under-represented musics and art forms finally get a place in the sun.

Yorkshire Bitter

Yorkshire Bitter

The other day I noticed an article in the Guardian, “Yorkshire Symphony Orchestra brought back to life after 66 years”.  The Yorkshire Symphony Orchestra has been revived seventy-four years after it was first formed.  The Yorkshire Symphony Orchestra has been revived to support musicians in northern England hit by the pandemic. A few idle thoughts crossed my mind the first was what are the respective populations of Greater London and Yorkshire and secondly how many symphony orchestras are there in London as compared to none in Yorkshire – I have excluded opera.

The population of Yorkshire, the largest county in England with total population of over 5.4 million people, larger than the population of Scotland. (According to 2019 data published by the Office for National Statistics). Yorkshire also has a bigger population than many other countries, such as Norway, New Zealand, Uruguay and the Republic of Ireland.

Greater London has a population of 8,899,375 (Office for National Statistics)

Set out below are the orchestras funded by Arts Council England and their National Portfolio Grants in 2022

Orchestra

Grant in 2022

Aurora Orchestra

£367,316

London Philharmonic Orchestra

£8,168,888

London Symphony Orchestra

£8,824,200

Orchestra of the Age of Enlightenment

£815,616

Philharmonia Limited

£8,168,888

Royal Philharmonic Orchestra Ltd

£3,785,576

Sinfonietta Productions Limited

£1,998,260

Total

£ 32,128,744

Taking Part Survey data for 2015/16 for attendance at a classical music concert in the past 12 months had Greater London had 11.7% of respondents attending and Yorkshire and Humberside 5.7% of respondents attending. The average for attendance in England is 7.6%.

This situation is hardly a level playing field; in fact it is no playing field at all. The problem is that Arts Council England has no art form policies in which to guide the distribution of funding.

Until the Arts Council has a workable national plan for the arts with art form policies inequitable distribution of funding will continue. Its latest strategy “Let’s Get Creative” moves further away from accountability by art form. Please see – Response to Let’s Create Arts Council Englands Strategy 2020-2030

 

Objection to planned developments at Hastings Road and Manor Road in West Ealing

Ealing Council has adopted a policy where it would seem that the taller the development the better as if West Ealing is trying to become the New York of the “Great Wen”. Here are two documents the first is a guide to objecting to planning developments and the second is my objection to planned developments at Hastings Road and Manor Road London W13.

Guide to objecting to developments at Hastings and Manor Road July 25th 2019

Objection to planned developments at Hastings Road and Manor Road London W13

A Response to Let’s Create the Arts Council England’s Strategy 2020-2030

The Arts Council has launched a new ten year strategy which they say is not dreamed up by a bunch of bureaucrats sitting in a room on their own – well tough as this is what it reads like out of touch and given the resources probably unachievable.

Musicians, dancer, painters, poets, writer, singers have been conveniently dumped into a box marked “Creative Practioners”. This is one size fits all and ignores the diversity of expression. Culture has been reduced to an homogenous blob and creativity has been simplified to a uniform act, a level playing field in which the participants are all the same.

A fundamental flaw in “Let’s Create is the complete absence of any art form policy.

After 10 years of “Great Art and Culture for Everyon”e the Arts Council has yet to nail the question of what constitutes high quality or quality period, and spending another 10 years attempting to establish a shared language that will define quality.

The Arts Council’s failure to resolve inequality in its last ten year Strategic Plan should be publicly scrutinised and they should be held to account.

The Arts Council has moved from the objects of its Royal Charter to a vision that is flawed for a number of reasons; is it achievable given existing resources?

The Arts Council has yet to produce an operational plan for the execution of Let’s Create. Without that it is a bit like a cart with out a horse

 Enquiries to the Arts Council at the time of the development of Let’s Create failed to provide an internal appraisal of the Arts Council  with an analysis of its capabilities and core competences.